Anne Bryant (unknown) - Merge needed.

Anne Bryant’s parents are unknown. Henry Meese had no children in America; his daughter Ann was born and lived her entire life in England. The first time Anne Bryant, ( born about 1655, a widow named Ann Redmond when she married Richard), appears in records is 1690 when she witnessed a premarital agreement for Martha Foley. If she was Native American she wouldn’t be able to testify or swear in a court.

That is strange. The top five Public Ed Dept Curriculum Recommendation For Covering Slave Court Matters includes within the 5 a native women, Jane The Elder, who testified in court (and by the way, got her freedom). If native women could not testify in court, what was she doing there? Another native woman who testified in court, in this very community of Patawomeck was the domestic violence case won against the local land stealing Fouteroy Moore, who won her divorce case AND got her land back that happened to be part of the larger parcel that Silent Bryant got and then gave to Richard Gallop, spouse of Elinor and passed to his daughter Elinor Brissee. Also, it has already been established that the Meese you are referring to are not the same as the Henry Meese crew, by record and by atDna.

Where are the documents to support any of this? There are two peole named Silent Bryant in records of this period. One was a man who died in Essex County in 1698 leaving a wife Grace. There is no record of any earlier wife or the existence of a Lucy Doniphan. The other Silent Bryant was the daughter of Richard and Anne Bryant, born 1688.

Elinor Gollop’s maiden name is unknown, her husband was Robert Gollop, who died in 1720. Her second husband was John Pwen. The only land records she appears in are related to her husbands and her brother-in-law, Henry Gollop. Their daughter Elinor received land from her father’s will and her uncle’s will.

Typo, husband John OWEN.

Seventeenth-century acts of assembly allowed enslavement for limited time periods of Indians captured in battle and lifetime slavery for Indians purchased from other colonies. In 1691 the assembly outlawed the enslavement of Indians. Nevertheless, people of Indian descent were still held as slaves, and laws concerning the enslavement of Native Americans changed several times, leading to confusion and lawsuits to determine whether people descended from certain Indians were legally free or enslaved. In 1662 the General Assembly had passed a law stating, "Whereas some doubts have arrisen whether children got by any Englishman upon a negro woman should be slave or ffree . . . all children borne in this country shalbe held bond or free only according to the condition of the mother." In Virginia then, the status of a mother was passed to her child. Therefore enslaved women gave birth to enslaved children regardless of the status of the father of the children. But the same was true of free women, their children were automatically free. One path to freedom for a slave held in Virginia was to prove maternal descent from an illegally enslaved Indian woman.
https://edu.lva.virginia.gov/online_classroom/shaping_the_constitut...

The statements Native's couldn't testify in court doesn't hold water AT ALL!!! Looks to me like Indians were in court ALL the time. These are just from ONE county - New London County, Connecticut

The largest number of lawsuits involving Indians concerns the subject of debt. Native Americans served as plaintiffs in 14 cases, defendants in 83, both plaintiffs and defendants in 4, and mentioned in 1.12 Indians sued for debt in just ten lawsuits. The first took place in 1759 when Ishmael Indian sued Thomas Allen in a debt by book for �8-2-4�. The plaintiff withdrew the suit.13 Plaintiffs withdrew their lawsuits in six cases and recovered judgment from the defendants in the remaining four. In one such case, Moses Mazeen v. Gideon Fitch, the plaintiff sued for �15 damages in a debt by note. The defendant defaulted and Mazeen recovered judgment for �13-2-7 debt plus 18 shillings costs.14

The next highest number of cases revolved around the subject of assault. Native Americans 1698-1774 were charged with assault in 10 cases, victims of assault in 2, both plaintiff and defendant in 1, and the partial cause of a fight between two whites in another.23 The 1727 case of Benajah Bushnell v. Indian Peter and Tom saw two Native Americans accused of beating up the plaintiff's "Negro man Robin." The defendants failed to appear on their court date and, by defaulting, in effect confessed their guilt.24 In 1731, the court heard the case of Richard Jacobs and his wife Mary of Voluntown against Amy Billings and Sarah Billings, daughters of Joseph Billings of Preston, and "Cattemue an Indian Squaw." The defendants were accused of assaulting "ye Body of ye sd Mary and pulled her off her horse and her with Whips & sticks Much Beat, Wound, Bru[I]se and hurt." Testimony before a Preston justice of the peace indicated that the two sides had engaged in much name-calling, with words like "whore," "bitch," and "liar" used. Although the justice of the peace bound the defendants over to the county court, the plaintiffs later withdrew their action.25 In June 1738, the court heard the case of Dom Rex v. Sam Uncas. Samuel Avery accused Uncas, "an Indian man belonging to Mohegan," of "assaulting ye Complainant in a hostile manner." Uncas threatened and cursed Avery, pointed a cocked pistol at him, and asked if "he was willing to Die on the Spot." Uncas was arrested and jailed, but the jury found him not guilty.26

The third largest category of cases concerns theft, 23 from the colonial and 8 from the period after independence. The earliest theft case, Thomas Leffingwell v. John Ashpo, with documentation dates from 1703. Ashpo broke into Leffingwell's warehouse in Norwich and stole a large quantity of cloth and ribbons. Upon conviction, the court fined him �5 and told him to pay the plaintiff �40 damages. Unable to pay, Ashpo was sentenced to serve Leffingwell for eight years and was whipped twenty stripes on his naked back.30 In the overwhelming majority of twenty-three theft cases, Native Americans were accused of that crime. The last theft case heard in the colonial era was John Meach v. William Martin, "an Indian man." The plaintiff charged Martin with stealing "Three good Spanish Mill'd Dollars & a Certain writing Or Indenture . . . by which Indenture The Said Martin was Bound to the Complainant to Serve" until he reached twenty-one. The defendant absconded, was captured, pleaded guilty before a Preston justice of the peace, and committed to jail.31 The most notable exception to this generalization is Chaichai Indian v. Benomi Phillips. Phillips, "a Mallattoo of Windham," was charged with stealing a bundle of beaver skins from the plaintiff. The defendant claimed that he had purchased the skins from Robert Ashpo but the court did not agree. Phillips was convicted, fined treble damages of �4, and fined �2 or whipped ten stripes.

The court also heard several disputes over Native American lands in New London County.34 The cases concerned white attempts to take over Indian reservation lands. The first lawsuit, Cesar Sachem v. Ralph Fargo, appears in the records of the November 1722 court. Sachem, Ben Uncas, and the rest of the Mohegan tribe sued by their guardians James Wadsworth and John Hall to recover land seized by Fargo. The case was withdrawn, so it is not known what happened to the land in question.35 In 1757 thirty-five Mashantucket Pequots sued by their overseers John Richards and Daniel Coit of New London to recover five acres of land in Groton from John Stanton. The plaintiffs withdrew their suit.36 Another half dozen cases between 1762 and 1771 revolved around an unsuccessful scheme by proprietors to take over "a tract of Land in said Groton . . . the pequod Indians have a Clame." The seven proprietors, among them Silas Deane, hired Simeon Miner of Stonington to be their attorney in pressing their claim. Minor filed all the lawsuits in an effort to receive payment for his services.37

Another group of cases concerns trespass. In one typical example, William Wheeler 2nd v. Andrew Leffingwell, tried before a New London justice of the peace, the plaintiff charged the defendant with "cut[t]ing and carrying away ye Grass or Hay growing on a lot of Land in Mohegan . . . known by ye name of Benjamin Uncus Sachem Mowing Orchard." The court found the defendant guilty, required him to pay 20 shillings damages, a 3-shilling fine for breach of peace, and costs of 29 shillings and 2 pence. The defendant appealed to the county court where his lawyer argued that he had the permission of the Indians "by Leave [or] License & order of Said Benjamin Uncus" to enter and mow the grass.40 The Files for November 1769 hold the case of Nathan Champlin v. Moses Mazzen of Mohegan. In another case tried before a New London justice of the peace, Champlin stated that Mazzen's livestock had on several occasions in 1766 broken through a fence and destroyed a great deal of his English grain and he claimed forty shillings damages. The defendant replied that according to a statute of the Colony, no person could legally "buy, hire, or Receive any Gift or Mortgage of any Parcel of Land" owned by Native Americans unless approved by the General Assembly. The plaintiff replied that the Mohegan tribe had had an agreement with him in 1765 allowing him to farm the land. The court agreed and ordered Mazzen to pay forty shillings damages plus court costs. The defendant appealed to the county court, the case was continued in June 1769, and then probably withdrawn, as no record exists of a court decision.41

Native Americans also used the courts to try to collect unpaid wages. In 1733 and 1734, George Jobe, "an Indian of . . . New London mariner," sued Naboth Graves to collect �34-4-6 in wages due him as member of the crew of the brigantine London voyage from New London, to Ireland, Madeira, Cape Verde Islands, Surinam, Boston, and back to New London. The plaintiff failed to recover the wages claimed.43 In February 1762, William Roe Miner of Stonington filed three lawsuits against John Stanton of Groton, captain of a company in the 4th Regiment of Connecticut forces in 1760, to collect wages due Peter Harry, Caleb Harry, and James Nod. All served as soldiers in the company and all died before receiving their wages. The three cases were withdrawn, so it is likely that the parties reach an out-of-court settlement.44

Other subjects addressed include defamation and slander, disorders in the night season, fornication and lascivious carriage, negligence, perjury, profaning the Sabbath, riot and breach of the peace, and sale of strong drink to Indians.

The court heard four cases of fornication and two of lascivious carriage involving Native Americans, all between the years 1715-71. The most interesting fornication case was Phebe Cheats v. Prince Negro, June 1771. Phebe, suing for child support, affirmed that she was pregnant with "a Bastard Child Begotten of her Body in fornication" and that the father was Prince, "A Servant to Samuel Starkweather," of Preston. Prince's master moved for dismissal of the suit on the grounds that "Phebe Cheats is an Indian Squaw and aboriginal of America and the Said Negro Prince is an Aboriginal of Guinea in Africa . . . now Slave for Life," and as such he could not be sued or prosecuted "in any action or Suit of this Nature & is not a Subject within the Laws of this Colony for Maintenance of Bastard Children." The court agreed and dismissed the case, but not before imposing court costs of �1-8-2 on the plaintiff.45 In Dom Rex v. George Wade, Jr., a Lyme grand juror accused the defendant on March 19, 1757 of "Lasivious Behaviour towards Anna Hefferman . . . an Indian Woman," specifically of enticing her to walk with him alone, of throwing her down on the ground, pulling up her skirts, and copulating with her. A Lyme justice of the peace bound Wade over to the county court. Attornies for the defendant argued in June 1757 that the event occurred after a singing meeting on March 20, 1756 and that the one-year statute of limitations had expired. The jury agreed and the case was dismissed.46

On some occasions, Native Americans played only minor roles in court cases. The collection contains thirteen lawsuits in which Indians were called as witnesses, the first in 1751 when Quy Chebubley witnessed a debt by note and the last in 1846 when Thankfull Ned and Leonard Brown were called as witnesses in an assault case.48 In another instance, Mary Maynard of Groton sued Eunice Avery for $1,000 damages on a charge of slander. A person of chastity, Maynard stated that she was never a prostitute and had never purchased "Bitters" from Cynthia Commewas for the purpose of securing an abortion.49

https://ctstatelibrary.org/RG003_NLCC_NA.html

Metacom Relates Indian Complaints about the English Settlers, 1675
Metacom or King Philip, leader of the Wampanoags near Plymouth colony, led many other Indians into a widespread revolt against the colonists of southern New England in 1675. The conflict had been brewing for some time over a set of longstanding grievances between Europeans and Indians. In that tense atmosphere, John Easton, Attorney General of the Rhode Island colony, met Philip in June of 1675 in an effort to negotiate a settlement. Easton recorded Philip’s complaints, including the steady loss of Wampanoag land to the Europeans

But their King’s Brother, [Massasoit] when he was King, came miserably to die by being forced to Court, as they judge poysoned. And another Greavance was, if 20 of their honest Indians testified that a Englishman had dun them Rong, it was as nothing; and if but one of their worst Indians testified against any Indian or their King, when it pleased the English it was sufficient. Another Grievance was, when their King sold Land, the English would say, it was more than they agreed to, and a Writing must be prove against all them, and some of their Kings had dun Rong to sell so much.

http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/6226

Colonial law as an arena for cultural contestation and hegemonic process has displaced an older view of law as a tool of imperial domination. Rich studies based on archival work in local judicial and notarial archives in Africa and the Americas, complemented by a wide range of sources from colonial and metropolitan archives, emphasize the role of indigenous peoples in shaping legal institutions, practices, bodies of law, and ideas about justice. We now understand that colonial legal culture was forged in diverse configurations of conflict and alliance that played out in remote village tribunals and metropolitan courts of appeal. However, the tyranny of the archives persists in that the written evidence favors—in descending order—the perspective of European legal thinkers and reformers, the functionaries of intermediate institutions like the magistrates and lawyers who operated in district courts, and litigants who included European settlers and native people. In colonial courts, the voices of native litigants and witnesses tend to be highly mediated through translation and transcription.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/comparative-studies-in-soci...

Tinker, John. “Map - Plan of the Pequot Country and Testimony of Uncas, Casasinomon, and Wesawegun.”

https://connecticuthistory.org/topics-page/native-americans/

On Long Island the Duke's Laws provided from the beginning that "all injuryes done to the Indians .... upon their Complaint and proofe therefore in any court have speedy redress gratis, against any Christian in as full and ample matter ... as if the case had been betwixt Christian and Christian.

Native testimoney was often held to be indispensible in such matters, but courts were somewhat reluctant to grant it equal weight with that of Christians.

Indian Affairs in Colonial New York: The Seventeenth Century Page 185

https://books.google.com/books?id=aSNI7TjErGMC&pg=PA185&lpg...

None of that has anything to do with the status of Indians in Virginia after the 1646 massacre which wiped out most of the Powhatan-connected tribes. After 1660 Indians were prohibited from entering the area of white settlement without special permission. Trade was restricted. Whites needed permission from the Governor to have Indian servants. Indians were totally unwelcome, to put it mildly. The Bryants, Ashtons, Martins ,and all their associated families were white People.

Chief Wahanganoche’s daughters were traditionally known as Keziah Arroyah (the wife of a Mr. Bryant), and a daughter whose Christian name appears to have been Mary (wife of Col. Henry Meese), a daughter called Grace by some (wife of Col. Peter Ashton), and a daughter, name unknown (wife of John Grisby)

A large group of descendants of Henry Meese of Stafford : Some of the earlier families who descend from Henry Meese are: Bryant, Redman/Redmond, Jeffries, Elkins, Monteith, Rogers, Owens, Kenney, Newton, Dobson, Bowie, Hudson, Jones, and Bradshaw, but there are countless other families today.
https://archive.org/stream/PatawomeckTides2015/newsletter2015_djvu.txt

More info on deeds passed down thru the Gallop/Gallup family here https://archive.org/stream/genealogicalhist00gall/genealogicalhist0...

From the Book, “The Monteith Family and the Potomac Indians” by William “Bill” Deyo.
Various family manuscripts give the name of the wife of Thomas Monteith as “Keziah” or
“Narsissa” Gollop/Gallop. Actual court records show that her name was “Phyllis” Gollop/Gallop,
daughter of Robert and Elinor Gallop. Robert Gallop and his older brother, Henry Gallop (b1653),
were immigrants to Virginia in the late 1600’s and were probably not of Indian Blood, unless it
was through some of the Indians that Pocahontas took to England with her in 1615. Elinor was
apparently the one of Indian Blood, as well as of the blood of the Bryant and Doniphan families.http://imnothere.org/TomCochranFamilyHistory.pdf
imnothere.org
imnothere.org

Erica Howton, I know you worked (with me) on Bryants. Any comments?

Col Henry Meese's name spelled Mee and Mees on thetranscript taken from the record of his receiving land from Wahanganoche and the long list of assemblymen where he served in that role in Stafford Co before going back to England where he died. In his will , Col Henry Meese provided for his children
bom in Virginia, namely Henry, John, Anne, and Frances Meese, all under 21 in 1681. Nothing is known of
the son, Henry listed in the Will Book of Westmoreland Co.

Henry Meese had no wives or children in Virginia.

He married a woman named Ann Pert in England in 1675. They had four children Henry, John, Anne, and Frances and then Henry (the father) died in 1682. His will was probated in England in April, 1682. He left most of his estate, including his Virginia property to his four children (all under the age of six and in England). He directed that wife Anne could sell the properties in Virginia for the benefit of the children.

In 1692 the widow Anne hired an attorney to represent her in Virginia because she was ready to sell the Virginia properties.

Henry the son lived his entire life in England and died in 1701 leaving his property to his mother and his sister Anne.

Ann the daughter never left England and died unmarried in 1719. She left her money to a relative, Margaret Meese so apparently her other brother and sister were already dead.

Henry did not provide for any children born in Virginia because all of his children were born, lived, and died in England.

There is no way Henry Meese can be the father of either Anne Bryant or Grace Ashton. He did not come to Virginia until 1660 and they were both born before then. John and Grace Ashton were married about 1660, so she could not have been born later than 1645. Anne Redman was a widow with a child when she married Richard Bryant in 1678. Henry Meese returned to England about 1670. There is no record that he ever came back to America.

There is no record of a will for Henry Meese in the Westmoreland County Virginia will books. His name appears on many deeds.

There is no record of the names of any members of Wahanganoche's family. They may have been among the people baptized by Father Andrew White in 1642, but this is all we know of that event:
Father White spent several weeks with the Patawomeck Indians in the winter of 1641-2. In his annual letter to his superiors for 1642 he wrote: “During a detention of nine weeks at Potomac town, his spiritual gain in souls fully compensated for the delay. For, during that time, there was an accession to the church, of the chief of the town, with the principal inhabitants. Also a chief of another tribe, with many of his followers; a third, with his wife, son and one of his people, and a fourth chieftain, with a companion of high rank among his own people. “

Henry Meese was involved in a land deal with Wahanganoche in 1661 when he arrived in Virginia.

At a Court held for King George County on Friday ye 6th day of July Anno Dom: 1727.

This last Will and Testament of Henry Gollop, dece., was presented into Court by John Owen and Elliner his wife Executors therein appointed who made oath thereto and the same was proved by the oaths of Richard & William Owen two of the evidences thereto subscribed and admitted to Record. Copy Test T: Turner Cl: Cur:

Karl David Wright I see no reason to change the Geni MPs. Kathryn Forbes Describes the available evidence as I understand it to be very well.

Henry Gallop named for his gramps. His gramps being mention here: John Ashton was born in 1647 in England. and died in 1677 in Westmoreland Co., Virginia. He was the son of Charles Ashton and Isabella de Clare. John married Grace Meese, daughter of Henry Meese and Mary ___, (a) Princess of the Potomacs. http://www.nkclifton.com/ashton/ashton.html

Interviewer: We followed you.
Mr. Cooke: Wahanoganoche has a daughter who married Henry Meese.
Wahanoganoche gives Meese land in the middle of the village so we know he married a
daughter. He doesn’t sell him land adjoining the village. We know he has married a
daughter. No reason Wahanoganoche would ever let an Englishman have land in the
middle of the village.

Henry Meese’s first wife is named Ann. Then there is a second Ann Meese he marries. But the second Ann Meese is Ann Perk. He married her in 1671. I found the will. When she died Parson Waugh tries to take over her land

https://d4804za1f1gw.cloudfront.net/.../Gary_Cooke.pdf

Cavaliers and Pioneers Volume I, Nugent : 1666 Neale O DANNELL headright for Henry MEES, Potomac Creek, Stafford. Nugent:Vol I p. 55-56. Col. Henry MEESE (wife Anne) lived on Potomac Creek in Stafford.

http://rolodafile.com/williamodaniel/d1.htm

NOTE: It says Headright for Henry Meese, then it says wife Anne on Potomoc Creek in Stafford

This says Henry Meese daughter Grace married John Ashton & is well documented

https://books.google.com/books?id=Pox2AAAAMAAJ&pg=PA448&lpg...

Henry Meese did return to England and marry the 2nd Ann aka Ann Pert.

Henry Meese first wife Anne also known as Mary Anne

The tombstone says no such thing. It says “son of John Ashton, Gentleman, by Grace his wife.” The article author lacked the facts about Henry Meese’s time in America and leapt to the conclusion that Henry was Grace’s father based on his gift to their daughter. Henry left for Ebgland shortly after making the gift. He couldn’t take the horse with him, so gave it away To a friend’s child.. Simple!

If Grace WAS Henry’s daughter, she had to be born in England. How did she get to America? If her father was here why wouldn’t she come with him, and if she did then why is there no record oF her with him anywhere? Why is there no record of any marriage for Henry except in 1675? Why wouldn’t he leave his property in America to Grace, mention her in his prenup with Ann Pert, or name her in his will if she was his daughter?

Grace Kay

From the profile notes:

Chronology issues to have her as a child of Colonel Henry Meese, Sr.

From https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Frizer-1

Her father, Dr. William [Alexander] Frizer, named her children in his will. Westmoreland County Deeds, Patents, etc. 1665-1677. , pp. 346-346a:

9 Sep 1677 - 24 Oct 1677 names Grace's children, his grandchildren Priscilla Ashton, Charles Ashton, Sarah Ashton, Henry, Grace Jr., and Mary.

Family

From "Ashton Family" article from The William and Mary Quarterly, Volume 7. link

3. John Ashton (Charles ') married Grace Meese (?) She married, secondly, James Kay (note 2). He died in 1677.

Issue, named in the will (dated September 9, 1677) of Alexander Frizer,, surgeon with Lieutenant-Colonel John Washington in the attack on the Susquehanna Fort; ...

From http://www.genealogy.com/forum/surnames/topics/ashton/1742/

Suggest you search this forum for postings by Lou Poole. She has found records of Captain John Ashton and Grace in Warwick County, Virginia, as early as 1650, which cast doubt on her identity as a daughter of Col. Henry Meese. It seems that she was previously married to William Best of Warwick County; and that she married Captain John Ashton, in 1651, after the death of William Best, in 1650. Captain John Ashton was an attorney and was closely involved with the Dade Family, who muved to the Northern Neck of Virginia about the same time (1662-1664) as the Ashtons. It may be possible to trace Captain John Ashton further through some of these connections.

Also please see this discussion where Descendants and geni member s determined Grace was not a child of Henry Meese:

https://www.geni.com/discussions/125397?msg=881763

In June 2019, based on that discussion and the Will evidence, I created her parent profile. Sadly it was disconnected (possibly in error) in a Dec 2019 merge.

Dr. William ‘Alexander’ Frizer

People are mixing up different families with the same names. The John Ashton married to Grace in Westmoreland County came there in 1654. He is not the John who was brother of Charles; that John arrived later and had a wife named Elizabeth.